Saskatchewan is the home province of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation
(CCF) and the New Democratic Party (NDP). It is the only place in North
American which has a tradition of electing social democratic governments.
Since 1944 the CCF-NDP has been the natural governing party of the province,
with a solid base of 40 percent of the electorate. For many years the
Saskatchewan section of the CCF and the NDP was the most left-wing section
of those parties. Why is it then the case that members of the left in
Saskatchewan launched the New Green Alliance in 1998?
Political commentators have agreed that the Saskatchewan NDP has become
more conservative over the past twenty-five years. Some have emphasized
the structural changes in the economy. The small family farm has virtually
disappeared, to be replaced by much larger farms, and increasingly farmers
have seen themselves as businessmen and capitalists. The general standard
of living has increased for the majority, and they have become more conservative.
While the farm and rural population has decreased, the organized labour
force has grown, but it has not sought to transform the NDP into a labour
party. The labour movement itself is much more conservative than it used
to be. The NDP has been captured by the urban professional class: lawyers,
managers, well-paid government functionaries, teachers, employees of crown
corporations and co-operatives, and even some small businessmen. Because
they are the natural governing party, many people join the NDP for career
reasons without any ideological commitment to social democratic or socialist
principles. The other important factor often cited is the rise of the
political right since 1980 and the growing hegemony of neoliberal ideology.
(See Briarpatch Magazine, December 1983; Brown et al, 1999; Harding, 1995;
Rasmussen, 1994)
After the CCF came to office in 1944, people saw the CCF and its successor
the NDP as the primary vehicle for advancing social change. Most progressive
people and political activists joined the party and worked through the
policy formation structure. The business community was tied to the Liberal
Party and then the Conservative Party of Grant Devine. The major social,
community and popular groups in the province had close ties to the party,
primarily through ties of individual membership. When the CCF-NDP was
in office, progressive activists found good jobs in the state structure.
But there also has been a long tradition of independent political action
by groups outside the informal farmer-labour alliance of the CCF-NDP.
The most commonly cited example is the various farm groups and co-operatives.
Many trade unions are not affiliated with the NDP, and many locals of
affiliated unions have declined affiliation. Aboriginal groups were historically
excluded from the party. Women's organizations and environmental groups
have been mainly outside the party.
But even groups closely associated with the NDP have maintained some structures
independent of the dominant party. For many years the Saskatchewan Federation
of Labour, the Saskatchewan Farmers Union, and the Saskatchewan Teachers
Federation met regularly to discuss how to promote a progressive political
agenda.
In the 1960s and 1970s, political action outside the NDP expanded. Aboriginal
groups began to be more active. The peace and student movements grew.
The anti-Vietnam war movement became very active. And on the more socialist
left, there was the formation of the Committee for a Socialist Movement.
The progressive left in Saskatchewan was quick to join the Waffle movement
in 1968. While a part of the NDP, the Waffle had its own structure which
was independent of the party. It's demand for an independent socialist
Canada had a major impact on politics in Saskatchewan.
The CCF governed Saskatchewan between 1944 and 1964. The Liberal Party
took office in 1964. Because of the polarization in Saskatchewan politics
after 1944, the opposition Liberal Party was to the political right of
the federal Liberal Party. While Premier Ross Thatcher and his colleagues
used all the rhetoric of the free market political right, the government
did not dismantle the social democratic welfare state created by the CCF-NDP.
Within the NDP, the Waffle was having a major impact. The policies
adopted by the party represented a strong move to the left, and this
was reflected
in the 1971 campaign platform, "A New Deal for People." In
the campaign for the new leader of the Party, Don Mitchell, the Waffle
candidate,
obtained 25 percent of the vote, and Allan Blakeney, the centrist
candidate, was the compromise victor. Roy Romanow was the candidate
for the party's
right wing.
The NDP swept back into office in 1971, winning 55 percent of the vote,
the highest ever in the province. But during the first term in office,
the party began to swing back to the right. Party members identified with
the Waffle were systematically excluded from jobs with the government.
The Waffle left the party in 1973 after it was expelled in Ontario. The
militants in the trade union movement shifted back to work place issues.
Allan Blakeney was a top level bureaucrat in the CCF government of
the 1950s and 1960s who had come originally from Nova Scotia. Political
commentators
describe him as a technocrat, concerned with "efficiency" and
pragmatism in governing. Others describe him as a Fabian reformer.
His
government was a centralized, top down administration. The greatest
achievement of this NDP government was the move to increase the provincial
revenues
from the extraction of natural resources by trans-national corporations.
But this was done from the pragmatic position of raising provincial
revenues;
there was no ideological opposition to foreign corporate control
of natural resources or support for social ownership. The elections
of 1975 and 1978
saw the party move back to the right, with wage controls and an alliance
with Peter Lougheed's Tory government in Alberta on constitutional
issues.
In March 1982 Allan Blakeney forced striking hospital workers back
to work and the next day called a provincial election. The Tories
under Grant
Devine got 54 percent of the vote and 57 of the 64 seats in what
is referred to as "the Monday night massacre." Blakeney's
campaign literature proudly cited supporting editorials from the
Globe and Mail. The day after
the massacre, he told reporters that the party had failed because
it had not effectively communicated its record to the electorate.
There was no
analysis of why the party grass roots either voted for the Tories
or stayed home. (For this period, see Biggs and Stobbe, 1991; Pitsula
and Rasmussen,
1990)
But the party itself did take some action. In 1984 they created a series
of task forces on key issues and held hearings throughout the province.
Reports from these meetings were to form the basis for party policy in
the next election. The hearings were well attended, and the reports offered
a new direction. But the party hierarchy crushed this effort. The election
planning committee for the 1986 election revised the reports, and the
meat of the recommendations was eliminated. Instead, in 1986 the leadership
of the NDP chose to follow the Tories and try to buy votes by promising
more hand outs to the middle class and small business. The key issues
outlined in the panel reports, welfare rates and the minimum wage, the
environment, women's rights, northern development, native rights, and
trade union rights, were ignored.
The popular disgust with the Tory government did not result in a victory
for the NDP. While they won slightly more votes than the Tories, the NDP
won only two seats in the rural areas and 25 seats overall. The Tories
won by coming up with $2.4 billion in federal and provincial assistance
to farmers, about $36,000 per farmer. The NDP's argument was that the
Tories had not come up with enough! They were even unwilling to oppose
the acreage based distribution system which gave most of the subsidy to
the biggest farmers. (See Briarpatch Magazine, November 1986)
The Saskatchewan Coalition for Social Justice
The general consensus on the progressive left was that the NDP lost
the election because the party no longer had any vision. As Grant Devine's
Tory government began to attack the welfare state and support free trade,
the free market, deregulation and privatization, the Blakeney-led NDP
was content to argue in the legislature and try to defend the status quo.
Everyone knew that the NDP would now seek a new leader, and the heir apparent
was Roy Romanow. Romanow had always represented the right-wing in the
party. He was widely known to be a back room boy who distrusted the rank
and file party members and their policies. He was also a parliamentarian
and did not believe in extra-parliamentary policies.
No one opposed Romanow for the leadership of the party. On November
7, 1987 the coronation was an embarrassing display of show business
hype.
In an interview with Briarpatch Magazine in December 1987, he stressed
that he was a pragmatist, was primarily concerned with the "creation
of wealth" rather than its distribution, opposed extra-parliamentary
activity, and indicated that he had no intention of trying to regain
control
of the resource sector privatized by Grant Devine. (Paavo, 1987)
The Saskatchewan Federation of Labour, with its affiliation with the
NDP, has always taken the position that it could not oppose any NDP
government.
But the Tories were in office. In April 1987 the Association of Métis
and Non-Status Indians, the National Farmers Union, the Federation
of
Saskatchewan Indian Nations, the Saskatchewan Action Committee on
the Status of Women, the Saskatchewan Federation of Labour, Senior's
groups,
and representatives from the United Church and the Catholic Church
met in Regina to begin talks on the formation of a broad political
coalition.
A further meeting was held in May and 80 people from 50 organizations
established a formal group to set up the new organization.
In June 1987 the SFL and a wide range of popular groups mobilized a mass
march and demonstration against the Tory government. The focus was on
the cuts in spending and social programs, anti-labour legislation, free
trade and privatization. 7,000 marched in the biggest demonstration in
Saskatchewan history. On October 17, the groups met in Regina to form
the Saskatchewan Coalition for Social Justice. The founding Peoples Convention
was set for Saskatoon in March 1988. (The best study of this development
to date is Somers, 1988)
The SCSJ carried out many demonstrations and actions during the remainder
of the Tory government. They affiliated with the Pro-Canada Network and
strongly opposed the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement in 1988. When the
provincial election was called for October 1991, the SCSJ worked hard
to elect the NDP government of Roy Romanow.
While the SCSJ voted overwhelmingly at its last People's Congress to continue
to work for its political agenda after the 1991 election, with an NDP
government in office, this did not happen. Too many of the affiliated
groups had close ties with the NDP and were unwilling to support any extra-parliamentary
actions, no matter how right wing the NDP policies. The SCSJ was heavily
dependent on the SFL for financial and in kind support. While this support
was there when there was a Tory government, it was not there for opposition
to an NDP government. (See Brown et al, 1999)
Most of the political activists who worked with the SCSJ were frustrated
by coalition politics. First, the SCSJ was a federation of groups linked
at the top. Those groups made very little contribution to the SCSJ. There
was no attempt to make the SCSJ a key part of the political strategy of
the member groups. There was little attempt to mobilize their own membership
in support of coalition work. As a result, political action was dependent
on the work of a core group of political activists. For major demonstrations,
only the SFL really tried to mobilize their membership. But if local labour
leaders did not endorse and join with the SFL, then the turn out was relatively
small. Many of the trade unions whose primary allegiance was to the NDP
were highly suspicious of the SCSJ as it operated outside the party.
The other major frustration was the political direction of the SCSJ. Basically,
it did not move beyond the defence of the declining welfare state. It
was unable to present any vision of a different society or a different
future. It was unwilling to criticize any of the shortcomings of the social
and economic programs which formed the core of the Keynesian welfare state.
Similar problems in other coalitions are noted by Dennis Howlett (1989).
Part of the reason for this was the need to maintain the alliance of a
wide range of groups. But to move beyond this was to engage in a political
dialogue that would be similar to founding a new political party. At the
last Peoples' Congress, when one discussion panel reported that the SCSJ
should move in this direction, spokespersons from the SFL and the NFU
said that if this happened their organizations would have to withdraw
from the coalition.
The meetings of the SCSJ after the Romanow government took office illustrated
the degree to which the NDP had hegemony over popular organizations in
Saskatchewan. Very few people were in attendance. Delegates from the major
organizations disappeared. The representatives from the SFL were always
there, but it seemed that they were there to ensure that no action would
be taken against the NDP government.
Forming the New Green Alliance
For the activists in the SCSJ, there were few illusions about the NDP
government under Roy Romanow. From the day after the election Romanow
made it clear that his primary goal in office would be to balance the
budget and pay down the provincial debt. It was also known that he was
a strong supporter of the policies of the New Zealand Labour government,
which was in office between 1984 and 1990. This Labour government went
farther than Margaret Thatcher's Tory government in repealing the welfare
state and instituting free market and free trade policies.
The first NDP budget revealed the political direction of the new government.
The NDP completely repudiated its tax policy set forth in "Tax Fairness
for the 1990s" and adopted all of the regressive tax policies
of Grant Devine's Tory government. It was soon apparent that they
intended
to continue the Tory policies of privatization and deregulation.
The Romanow government soon became the darling of the Fraser Institute.
(See Brown,
1999; Brown et al, 1999; Haven, 1999; McKague, 2000; Warnock, 1999a)
The political left became disenchanted. The membership in the NDP declined
dramatically. In 1993 a group of people who had been active in the SCSJ
and some members of the Saskatchewan Young New Democrats began to hold
informal meetings to discuss the future of social democracy and other
new political alternatives.
In mid-1993 the Regina group decided to go public. Brief announcements
were placed in Briarpatch and The Prairie Dog announcing the formation
of a red green group in Regina. Around fifteen people responded,
and the
first formal meeting was held in September. A committee was struck
to draft a statement of purpose. The group first adopted the name
Red Green
Alliance; later this was changed to Left Green Alliance, as some
feared the term "red" would be identified by the public
with the old Communist Party.
In 1994 the group made the local press. Victor Lau wrote a short piece
for Briarpatch Magazine setting forth the idea that social justice policies
also must be linked to environmental issues and sustainable development.
The article reported that he was a member of the Left Green Alliance.
At the time Lau was president of the SYND, and he was attacked by the
party hierarchy. There was a motion introduced in his riding to have him
expelled from the NDP. This came directly from the premier's office. Following
protests by rank and file members, the NDP backed down. (Lau, 1994)
The Left Green Alliance formally went public in May 1995 with the publication
of a statement of principles in Briarpatch Magazine. The statement drew
heavily on the documents provided to the group by the Rainbow Alliance
in Victoria, Australia. The original Left Green Alliance members shared
certain fundamental political convictions. First, there was a dislike
of capitalism and a desire to see it replaced by a new system based on
democracy, co-operation and equality. There was a common agreement that
they did not want to participate in the social democratic program, which
at best was the reform of the worst aspects of capitalism. Second, there
was a shared concern over the worsening of environmental problems, and
in particular global warming and the depletion of the ozone layer. No
social democratic party, anywhere, had taken environmental issues seriously.
In Saskatchewan, as in Australia, the social democratic government, with
its heavy reliance on industrial agriculture and natural resource extraction,
emphatically denied that there was any problem.
The first general public meeting of the Left Green Alliance was held in
October 1996. There was a broad discussion of social democracy and the
NDP as well as discussion of possible alternative strategies. Other meetings
were held. The central issue, which remained unresolved, was whether it
was the time to begin the formation of a new political party. The task
would be formidable. It would not have the support of the political leadership
of the trade union movement. Many on the left were very critical of the
direction of the NDP, admitted that it was highly unlikely that things
would change, yet were unwilling to cut their historic ties to the mainstream
Saskatchewan left. Instead, they quit the NDP and dropped out of politics.
In early 1997 the press reported that a group based in Lloydminister was
calling for the formation of a new party. They called a conference for
Saskatoon in February, and the Left Green Alliance was invited. But the
Left Green Alliance representatives simply did not like the whole direction
of the group. It was decided to remain open and fraternal to them but
to concentrate on our political work.
In the fall of 1997 the Left Green Alliance was approached by a group
of Regina environmentalists. They had worked for Jim Harding in his election
to city council. Harding and this group had ideological ties to the Green
Party of Canada. It was agreed to have a series of meetings to discuss
whether or not to form a new political party.
Most of the members of the Left Green Alliance were political activists
working in anti-poverty groups, the Saskatchewan Coalition Against Racism,
the Saskatchewan Action Committee on the Status of Women, and the Young
New Democrats. Only a few had been at all active in environmental groups,
outside the general Saskatchewan left opposition to uranium mining. They
were now joining forces with environmental activists. At the end of the
third meeting, it was decided to poll those in attendance. Only one person
objected to launching a new political party. It was widely agreed that
the level of discontent and cynicism over the NDP had reached a high point.
The members of the group were constantly being asked by friends when the
new party would emerge. Now was the time to launch a party. If it failed,
then at least it had been tried.
One of the key issues to be resolved was the relationship between a
new party in Saskatchewan and the Green Party of Canada. Some members
of the
group wanted to become the provincial wing of the federal party.
But this was firmly opposed by the members of the Left Green Alliance.
They could
not accept the argument of the GPC that "politics is no longer defined
by the struggle between the Left and Right" but between Green
and Grey. While everyone in the group believed that environmental
issues were
of central importance, the question of inequality of income and wealth,
and exploitation and domination, were seen to be at least as important.
In the end, it was agreed that the new name of the party would be
the
New Green Alliance, and it would have a loose affiliation with the
Green Party of Canada.
Committees were established, and it was decided to call a press conference
for Earth Day 1998 to announce the formation of a new party. Ten basic
principles were adopted (See Appendix). Committees were formed to draft
a set of basic principles and a constitution and bylaws. A founding convention
was set for May 2. Environmental and Green Party activists from Saskatoon
were invited to attend. Around 50 people attended the founding convention,
adopted a number of policy resolutions, a temporary party structure was
adopted, and plans were made for getting the signatures necessary for
the party to be officially recognized. (See Gonick, 1998; Marsden, 1998)
By January 1999 the NGA had been recognized as an official party. A
convention was set for March to adopt the constitution and a platform
for the 1999
provincial election. Roy Romanow declared that the NGA was "40 years
out of date." The press commonly described the NGA as an attempt
to revive the old CCF. Given the dwindling support for the NDP reflected
in all the public opinion polls, the formation of a new party on
the left
could not be ignored.
In early March a conference was held in Saskatoon, sponsored by the
Saskatchewan Coalition for Social Justice: "The Saskatchewan NDP in Power: A Critical
Appraisal." Around 150 political activists attended. There was
widespread criticism of the Romanow government, and three political
options were
identified. First there were those who felt that the left should
continue to operate within the NDP. This had the weakest support
at the conference.
The second thrust was to continue to work in popular groups like
the SCSJ and the Council of Canadians, which was expanding in Saskatchewan.
The
third position was to join the New Green Alliance. The conference
revealed that many on the left, despite their dismay over the political
direction
of the NDP, were still not willing to join a new political party.
(See also the survey by Roberts, 1999)
The second convention of the NGA was held in Saskatoon near the end of
March. The constitution was approved in principle. But the primary focus
of the convention was the forthcoming election. As required under the
constitution, the party platform was adopted at the convention (See appendix).
At this time the party had secured 13 candidates, and it was hoped that
it would be able to run at least 20.
It was expected that the election would be held in June. But the time
came, and Premier Romanow got cold feet. The nurses were on strike, and
the NDP government was holding fast to the wage guidelines set for all
public sector workers. As a result, three by-election had to be held.
The NGA ran Neil Sinclair in Saskatoon-Fairview; with a minimal campaign,
he obtained two percent of the votes. In Regina-Dewdney, Victor Lau ran
a more serious campaign and received 10 percent of the vote. In Cypress
Hills local NGA supporters could not come up with a candidate and did
not participate in the election. There was a swing to the opposition Saskatchewan
Party, but the real news was the very low level of voter participation.
In the Regina and Saskatoon ridings, very safe NDP seats, the turnout
fell to 33 percent and the NDP share of the vote fell significantly. (See
Conway, 1999)
The general election was expected for October 1999, the usual date for
a fall election in Saskatchewan. However, Premier Romanow shocked everyone
by calling the election in August, when many people were away on holidays.
Insiders say that the NDP establishment believed that with the best political
organization, the NDP could win a majority of the seats with a low voter
turnout.
The early election caught the NGA by surprise. Many people were away on
holidays. In all, the party only was able to field 16 candidates. Another
eight nominations were in sight but failed to get the necessary support
to complete the required formal paperwork by the cut off date. While the
NGA received fair media coverage during the by-elections, they were all
but shut out by the mainstream media during the general election. The
CBC refused to allow Neil Sinclair, the leader of the NGA, to participate
in the television debates; they even refused to let party members in the
studio during the debate. On election night the party was stunned to see
that the television stations had not even put the NGA on their boards
recording votes in the ridings.
Nevertheless, the NGA did relatively well. Where they ran candidates,
they received on average five percent of the votes. This was not a bad
showing given the fact that the party was new, it received no media coverage,
and with little money they had carried out a minimal campaign.
There was a dramatic swing against the NDP in the election in the rural
areas. The right-wing Saskatchewan Party, formed through an alliance between
former Tories and Liberals, and headed by Elwin Hermanson, former Reform
Party Member of Parliament, won 24 of the 30 rural seats and a slight
plurality of the total vote. The NDP, facing the prospect of a minority
government, signed a formal alliance with the three Liberal MLAs and formed
the new government.
But the most noticeable fact in the election was the decline in voter
turnout. Normally 80 percent of Saskatchewan adults vote. That was the
turnout when the NDP swept into office in 1991. In the 1995 election,
the turnout fell to 63 percent. In the 1999 election it is reported that
63 percent of enumerated voters went to the polls. But because of the
snap election in the summer, the enumeration was unusually low. When measured
against the number of eligible votes set by the census, the turnout across
the province fell to 56 percent. (See Warnock, 1999b)
What we are witnessing in Saskatchewan is most probably a fundamental
change. The NDP, the traditional governing party, is losing its dominant
position. People who have traditionally voted for them are staying
home,
not yet prepared to vote for the New Green Alliance. Historically,
the CCF and the NDP on the left were opposed by the Liberal Party
on the right.
Now they are in a formal governing alliance, and members of both
parties are greatly disturbed. Political observers, and the "man in the street",
agree that the next election will likely see the NDP run out of office
as in 1982. The NDP will have been in office for three terms, and
it will
be time for a change. But with the NDP becoming a right-wing neoliberal
party, the loss of members and supporters may be permanent.
The future of the New Green Alliance
The New Green Alliance has some advantages at the time. People are disillusioned
with the NDP, but they do not want to vote for the Saskatchewan Party.
Environmental issues are front and centre, and the CCF and the NDP, and
social democracy in general, have always put environmental issues at the
bottom of the list of priorities. The New Green Alliance also strongly
supports labour rights, women's rights, Aboriginal rights, gay rights,
and is the only party committed to ending poverty. The potential for support
is there.
There is growing opposition to the free market and free trade agenda of
neoliberalism. As the NDP has moved to the right, it has adopted this
direction as well. The NGA is the only party in Saskatchewan today that
is at least committed to the keeping the basics of the Keynesian welfare
state. It is the only party that takes a public position against the free
trade agreements. It is the only party which is putting forth a long term
vision of a participatory, egalitarian, ecological, democratic society.
As a new party, the NGA has the usual problems of lack of media coverage
and lack of money to carry out a campaign. But there are other problems.
They have found it very difficult to get people to run for office as they
are so turned off by the political process. It has been most difficult
to get women to stand as candidates. Of course, it is not easy for women
to participate in politics, given the fact that they are primarily responsible
for child care and most have jobs outside the home. But in addition, NGA
women members and supporters do not like the whole process of electoral
campaigning. In addition, the NGA lost a number of potential women candidates
in the last election because it was not well enough organized to provide
needed support. Most discouraging, two Aboriginal women had volunteered
to run in Northern Saskatchewan but were not nominated because of lack
of support from the party structure in Regina and Saskatoon.
There is some tension in the party between the greens and the reds. The
social justice activists have considerable experience in political work.
They have been pushing hardest for serious participation in the electoral
campaigns. The environmental activists, in general, are not as interested
in pushing the electoral role of the party. They prefer to do extra-parliamentary
work.
Like most social justice and environmental organizations, the NGA depends
on a core group of activists to do the practical work. A quick survey
shows that most of these people have limited family commitments. Even
activists on the left have to work for a living, and many choose to have
some form of family life. Some even like to have fun once in a while!
Thus the NGA faces the usual problem of overwork and burnout from its
most active supporters. Some have already withdrawn from activism because
of other commitments. Most of them have been women. NGA members are also
all involved in community organizations. Finding enough time to add party
work is a real problem.
Many in the NGA did not want to see the new party organized along the
lines of the traditional political party. They strongly believe in
grass
roots democracy, participatory democracy and consensus decision making.
This is entrenched in the NGA constitution. There is a proposal to
include
in the party structure the New Zealand Green Party and Brazilian
Workers Party "group" as the basic party unit. But to date
this has not developed. Because of electoral politics, the pressure
is to organize
on the constituency level.
As I write this, the New Green Alliance is in a relative state of limbo.
Many have decided to step back a bit from all the work that was required
in 1999. Yet the party has made a commitment to build its membership from
250 to 2,000 by the end of the year. It has also made a commitment to
create an organization in all the provincial ridings. A summer campaign,
and participation in the expected fall by-election have been planned.
How successful they will be remains to be seen.
John W. Warnock
April 15, 2022
Presentation to the Learned Societies
John W. Warnock was an active member of the Saskatchewan Coalition for
Social Justice and a founding member of the New Green Alliance. He was
the candidate for the NGA in Regina-Elphinstone in the September 1999
provincial election.
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Somers, Sheila. 1988. "The Grass Roots Movement in Saskatchewan." Unpublished
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History
of the Green Party of Saskatchewan